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Obsidian-tempered ceramics represent a typical production of the Chalcolithic period in the southern Caucasus. Previous studies have already assessed the viability of LA-ICP-MS analysis to identify the provenance of the obsidian temper... more
Obsidian-tempered ceramics represent a typical production of the Chalcolithic period in the southern Caucasus. Previous studies have already assessed the viability of LA-ICP-MS analysis to identify the provenance of the obsidian temper contained in the ceramic paste. In this article the results of the analyses of the obsidian-tempered ceramics and of the obsidian lithic artefacts from the sites of Aratashen (Armenia) and Mentesh Tepe (Azerbaidjan) are compared. The aim of this comparison is to define analogies and differences in the modalities of acquisition of the obsidian as they are revealed by ceramic and lithic production at two sites that were localised at different distances from primary and secondary sources of obsidian. The results of this comparison allowed us to highlight different modalities of pro-visioning and exploitation of the same raw material by knappers and potters.
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Excavations at Mentesh Tepe, western Azerbaijan, have unearthed Neolithic levels dated to an early stage of the Shomu-Shulaveri Culture, with a specific material culture and several inhumations among which a multiple burial. At that... more
Excavations at Mentesh Tepe, western Azerbaijan, have unearthed Neolithic levels dated to an early stage of the Shomu-Shulaveri Culture, with a specific material culture and several inhumations among which a multiple burial. At that stage, already a full domestication of plants and animals is evident. Many questions have been raised concerning the origins of this culture, and its end is also still obscure. Relations with societies in the north-Mesopotamian area have again recently been evidenced at its beginnings. Mentesh Tepe, with its exceptional succession of occupations from the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age, could help providing some clues for the links between the Neolithic and the Chalcolithic periods. The site is presented here under different points of views (architecture, burials, material culture) but in a preliminary stage since many studies are still in progress. Questions are raised about the climate and the apparent absence of pre-and post-Shomu-Shulaveri Culture possibly due to silting or erosion processes linked with the mobility of the Caspian Sea level.
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Excavations at Mentesh Tepe, western Azerbaijan, have unearthed Neolithic levels dated to an early stage of the Shomu-Shulaveri Culture, with a specific material culture and several inhumations among which a multiple burial. At that... more
Excavations at Mentesh Tepe, western Azerbaijan, have unearthed Neolithic levels dated to an early stage of the Shomu-Shulaveri Culture, with a specific material culture and several inhumations among which a multiple burial. At that stage, already a full domestication of plants and animals is evident. Many questions have been raised concerning the origins of this culture, and its end is also still obscure. Relations with societies in the north-Mesopotamian area have again recently been evidenced at its beginnings. Mentesh Tepe, with its exceptional succession of occupations from the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age, could help providing some clues for the links between the Neolithic and the Chalcolithic periods. The site is presented here under different points of views (architecture, burials, material culture) but in a preliminary stage since many studies are still in progress. Questions are raised about the climate and the apparent absence of pre-and post-Shomu-Shulaveri Culture possibly due to silting or erosion processes linked with the mobility of the Caspian Sea level.
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Excavations at Mentesh Tepe, western Azerbaijan, have unearthed Neolithic levels dated to an early stage of the Shomu-Shulaveri Culture, with a specific material culture and several inhumations among which a multiple burial. At that... more
Excavations at Mentesh Tepe, western Azerbaijan, have unearthed Neolithic levels dated to an early stage of the Shomu-Shulaveri Culture, with a specific material culture and several inhumations among which a multiple burial. At that stage, already a full domestication of plants and animals is evident. Many questions have been raised concerning the origins of this culture, and its end is also still obscure. Relations with societies in the north-Mesopotamian area have again recently been evidenced at its beginnings. Mentesh Tepe, with its exceptional succession of occupations from the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age, could help providing some clues for the links between the Neolithic and the Chalcolithic periods. The site is presented here under different points of views (architecture, burials, material culture) but in a preliminary stage since many studies are still in progress. Questions are raised about the climate and the apparent absence of pre-and post-Shomu-Shulaveri Culture possibly due to silting or erosion processes linked with the mobility of the Caspian Sea level.
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In Italy, flint daggers first appear probably during the first part of the 4th millennium. These daggers were produced mainly in two areas. In the north, the Lessinian Hills flint outcrops were exploited for a production of bifacial... more
In Italy, flint daggers first appear probably during the first part of the 4th millennium. These daggers were produced mainly in two areas. In the north, the Lessinian Hills flint outcrops were exploited for a production of bifacial daggers distributed throughout the northern part of Italy till the southern part of Germany. In the south, the Gargano flint outcrops were exploited first for a production of blade daggers, and second for bifacial daggers distributed throughout the southern part of the Peninsula. In central Italy, the Scaglia Rossa flint was used in a minor way to produce bifacial daggers. Other raw materials were exceptionally used for the realization of such artifacts and in the northwestern part of Italy a few blade daggers from Forcalquier (France) were found in Piedmont and Liguria. Sardinia, with only 3 flint daggers, and Sicily with only one dubious flint dagger seem to have shown little interest in such productions. We show here that the strong differences in the frequency, the technique and the morphology of the daggers between the diverse areas correspond at least partly in local and regional cultural choices and in tradition in flint knapping techniques.
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In the late fifth and early fourth millennium in the central and northern regions of the Mediterranean, several specialized chipped stone productions have been documented. Following Perlès, specialization is here defined as an activity... more
In the late fifth and early fourth millennium in the central and northern regions of the Mediterranean, several specialized chipped stone productions have been documented. Following Perlès, specialization is here defined as an activity carried out by a limited number of groups or individuals in order to redistribute the products within a wider community. In southern France, numerous studies have shown the complexity of the production of pressure-knapped bladelets in heated Bedoulian blond flint in Chasséen contexts. The preforms were prepared and heated near the flint outcrops. Some bladelets were made in that area and were distributed as blanks. Some preforms were also distributed, sometimes hundreds of kilometres away from the outcrops, and were knapped there.
In Corsica, the work of L. J. Costa highlighted the presence of types of production that are reminiscent of those of the Chasséen culture. The main difference is that, here, the pressure-knapped bladelets were made from obsidian from the Monte Arci outcrops in Sardinia. Detailed analysis of the obsidian chipped stone industry from Monte Grosso in the northeastern part of the island clarifies the similarities and differences between the two types of production and permits their organization to be more precisely defined. This site was excavated during the late 1960s and early 1970s. The oldest occupation corresponds to the Basian culture, during the first half of the fourth millennium. The site was also occupied during the Bronze Age, at the end of the third millennium. We studied 1762 obsidian chipped stones from both levels. The near absence of obsidian in Corsican Bronze Age sites allows most, if not all, of the obsidian artefacts to be attributed to the Neolithic phase.
The technique, the morphology and the dimensions of the bladelets are very homogenous even if there are two different types of preparation for the platform (plain/linear/punctiform, dihedral/faceted). A small circular crack visible on the platform of a few of them indicates the possible use of a copper tip at the end of the pressure crutch used for the knapping of at least part of the bladelets. Flakes from the first phases of the chaîne opératoire are very scarce in comparison with the bladelets from the full operation. There are only 2 cores, both in an exhausted state, and we identified only 2 flakes made from former bladelet cores. The presence of rejuvenation flakes attests that knapping of the bladelets was carried out at least partly on the site. This suggests that, most of the time, the bladelet cores were introduced to the site already in an advanced phase of knapping, and left the site before the end of bladelet production. The regularity of the knapping, considered among other criteria through the analysis of the operative code, indicates that the knappers were very skilful.
Considering the quantity of bladelets found on the site, we suggest that their working by local knappers is very unlikely. We propose that the bladelets were made by itinerant knappers coming regularly to the site with bladelet cores, producing some bladelets, and taking any incompletely exploited bladelet cores away with them when they left.
Broadening our perspective, this model could also be applied to other Corsican sites like Basi. Beyond this island, only very small amounts of obsidian reached the continent, with the notable exception of a few sites, like Terres Longues (Bouches-du-Rhône) which has yielded 4548 obsidian artefacts. On this site, the obsidian from Monte Arci was probably introduced as preforms and/or as bladelet cores already partly processed. Obsidian bladelets were produced here and were then probably distributed as blanks to other sites in the south of France. In northern Italy, there is no evidence of such intensive obsidian bladelet production. However, the presence of a few cores indicates that at least part of the bladelets found there were made locally. Considering this, it is conceivable that the presumed itinerant knappers in Corsica were able to reach the shores of Italy and France to produce bladelets which were distributed as blanks to the inland regions.
Such a model has not been considered so far because the similarities between obsidian and Bedoulian heated flint knapping in southern France, especially at Terres Longues, were so strong that they were presumed to have been made by the same knappers. However, the analysis of Monte Grosso shows the presence of obsidian knapping very close to that used for Bedoulian heated flint but in an area relatively remote from southern France. These similarities include not only the raw material, since heated flint and obsidian have equivalent properties, but also the morphology and dimensions of the blanks and also the organization of their production.
The productivity of these types of knapping, as testified by experiments, is considerable and the frequency of such bladelets on archaeological sites is relatively moderate. The technical characteristics of such knapping also indicate that the knappers were very skilled and well trained. Consequently, the hypothesis of many knappers making only a few bladelets each year is not sustainable. They would not have been able to acquire, maintain and transmit the skills involved in this knapping activity. These heated Bedoulian flint bladelets and these obsidian bladelets were in both cases made by very small groups of specialists. These specialists were mobile, at least for the obsidian production.
However, analysis of the distribution of both raw materials shows marked differences. The flint bladelets are distributed mostly in inland regions and never reach Corsica or Sardinia. There is no clear geographical difference in their frequency and their management: some sites very remote from the outcrops have yielded as many bladelets as sites nearer to them. The only exception is Catalonia where this material was probably especially valued, as is shown by the presence of cores and bladelets in graves.
The obsidian bladelets are distributed mainly in coastal areas, even if several examples can be found far inland in Southern France and Northern Italy.
There are strong geographical differences in their distribution. Paradoxically, we have not so far found any obsidian pressure knapped bladelets in Sardinia. In contrast, they are abundant in Corsica. We suggest that they are here as important as the heated Bedoulian flint bladelets in Southern France. They are very rare on the continent. Considering their distribution and their presence even on sites very far from the coast, and considering the fact that their rarity cannot be explained by the difficulty in supplying obsidian to sites very far from the sources, we agree with the idea already proposed by some scholars, that obsidian was especially valued on the continent. We suggest that this value was probably linked to the raw material and not to the technique or morphology of the artefacts.
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You can find this document on this link:
http://bdr.u-paris10.fr/sid/these.php?2010PA100146
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Since they began in 1960's, obsidian provenance studies have been improved through new analysis and methods of characterisation that have given a rich database output regarding the obsidian sources from Caucasus to Mediterranean.... more
Since they began in 1960's, obsidian provenance studies have been improved through new analysis and methods of characterisation that have given a rich database output regarding the obsidian sources from Caucasus to Mediterranean. Meanwhile, chipped stone analyses have benefited from the development of technological and functional studies. However it is only relatively recently that progress has been made regarding these methods for use on obsidian as opposed to siliceous rocks, due to its distinctive physical properties. We aim to gather new studies involving innovative approaches in obsidian studies in order to revive the debate on procurement strategies, knapping and use of this predominant raw material.

The geo-chronological frame of this session is intentionally broad, including the first farming societies from the Caucasus to the Mediterranean region, covering the span from the 10th to the 6th mill. BC. These communities shared almost the same kind of lifestyle, in particular, concerning the significance of agriculture and animal breeding. Yet the environmental and cultural background differed in many ways, which has influenced the access to obsidian. We tend to compare, at a large scale, the strategies employed by the farmers to exploit obsidian in different socio-cultural and environmental settings. The session aims to identify the main parameters that conditioned the exploitation of this raw material.

We invite scholars to present their approaches to these archaeological questions, particularly when utilising multidisciplinary methods. Papers presenting case studies are also welcomed. The contributions and the up-to-date discussion will be published in an internationally peer reviewed volume.
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